How deep is the soul of our nation?

2026-02-10 - 20:06

This past week, Armenians in the diaspora and the homeland had to endure another dose of Azerbaijani brutality. It was reported that five Artsakh political hostages received life sentences, while two others were given 20 years based on age-related restrictions under Azerbaijani law. Other hostages were given sentences ranging from 15 to 19 years. It is evident that Azerbaijan carried out this shameful travesty of justice to satisfy a domestic audience fed anti-Armenian narratives in place of responsible governance. Azerbaijan is a state that routinely violates or disregards international law in its hostile relationship with Armenians. In this latest abuse, the hostages were tried in a military court rather than a civilian proceeding, denied proper legal counsel, subjected to violations of basic civil rights and international media was refused access to the trials. It is humiliating to witness decades of racist oppression by Azerbaijani authorities against Armenians, the horrific violence against civilians and the genocidal actions of 2023. The current status of Artsakh — marked by atrocities and deportations — has become this generation’s Western Armenia, Cilicia, Kars, Ardahan, Baku or Nakhichevan. The list is long, yet it continues to grow. The trauma of loss weighs heavily on the psyche of our people, and the absence of justice has fostered a chronic sense of victimization. The lack of closure — or even the pretense of acknowledgment — has created generations struggling to regain dignity. The parallels between the Armenian genocide of 1915 and the Artsakh tragedy are alarming. In 1915, civil rights were stripped, leaders were arrested, Armenians were branded as rebels, able-bodied men were murdered and survivors were deported. In Artsakh, Armenians were denied legal rights, labeled traitors, civilians were attacked, mass deportations were carried out and leaders were imprisoned. The sequence differed slightly, but the playbook remained the same: a method long employed against ethnic minorities in Turkey and now applied to Kurds, as well. Each time, Armenians are told to accept their fate, not dwell on the past and forget. Our grandparents were forced from their ancestral homeland, yet they responded by rebuilding dignity in the diaspora. Today, our brothers and sisters from Artsakh are told to forget justice after being forcibly expelled from their homes. ​​Perhaps the most degrading aspect of this crime is denial. It took a century for Armenians to achieve widespread recognition that the Genocide occurred, yet justice remains elusive. How long will it take for the crimes committed in Artsakh to be acknowledged? Or will we once again be encouraged to “move on”? Those raised in the diaspora understand the corrosive impact of denial on identity. It lingers like a cloud: capable of unifying a people, but also of fueling despair and negative distractions. It is often said that adversity reveals the soul of a nation. We learn what we truly value when it is under threat. Sovereignty, faith, culture and personal freedom are vivid examples of why we are willing to sacrifice. Our people are the soul of our nation. What good is language without people to speak it? A sovereign nation exists for its citizens to exercise the benefits of freedom and independence. Even our faith, in its most fundamental form, is about our individual and collective relationship with our Lord Jesus Christ. The diaspora teaches us that it begins and ends with our people. In the 1920s, before we established the physical infrastructure of churches and centers, groups of survivor families — often from the same regions in the Highlands — gathered to meet their social, educational, cultural and spiritual needs. The brick and mortar came later. Its infancy began with a need to retain identity and restore dignity. I have met refugees from Artsakh while in Armenia. They remind me of my grandparents: good people victimized by larger forces, seeking only to reestablish a sense of worth after losing everything. Images of deported Armenians leaving Artsakh by car are the 21st-century version of our grandparents walking in columns out of Kharpert, Sepastia and Van. It is always about the people. The news of our hostages’ sentencing was another blow to our sense of dignity. It was not surprising, given our familiarity with the vile Azerbaijani government. What struck me was the hostages, and the general population, having to endure yet another chapter of humiliation. In my view, securing the release of our hostages is a challenge that justifies sacrifice. How can we maintain our dignity as a people knowing that 19 men who sacrificed their freedom are left to rot in an Azerbaijani prison? Regardless of political opinions, these men are heroes. They served the nation and did not use their positions to “escape” Artsakh. They were all detained during the deportations. I believe they will be released because Aliyev will use them as leverage for concessions or to portray himself as a benevolent leader. There has been a great deal of discussion around efforts to secure their release. Virtually every advocacy and influential Armenian institution in the diaspora has lobbied, within its means, for their freedom. The Armenian Church at Holy Etchmiadzin and the Holy See of Cilicia have called directly for their release and used their ecumenical networks with worldwide Christian organizations to issue similar appeals. The role of the Armenian government is also important. It has issued several statements calling for the hostages’ release and emphasizing the diplomatic channels being pursued to secure it. There has been substantial criticism, particularly in the diaspora, of the government’s efforts, shaped by the geopolitical environment. Negotiations with Baku on a peace treaty are complicated and involve several third parties. I will not speculate on the government’s efforts, given the private nature of sensitive issues such as hostage negotiations. The public simply does not know all the details. What has been public is an attempt to use the growing U.S.-Armenia relationship to pressure Azerbaijan to acquiesce. In August, when an agreement on transit routes was reached in Washington, President Trump made statements on the issue. Currently, Vice President J.D. Vance is in Armenia and Azerbaijan. While the stated purpose of the visit concerns the TRIPP route plan and nuclear energy, he has been heavily lobbied by multiple sources within the diaspora — and, presumably, Armenia — to raise the hostage issue with Aliyev. We should remain hopeful but pragmatic, as Aliyev will certainly seek something in return for his illegal actions. While much of our energy has focused on what third parties can do to secure the hostages’ release, there is one area worth pursuing that is not risk-free, but necessary. Within the framework of peace negotiations, which are delayed by Azerbaijani preconditions, Armenia should consider informing Azerbaijan and all third parties — the United States, the European Union, Russia and Iran — that any peace treaty must include the release of all hostages. Coupling the release with a peace treaty signing is not a radical move. In modern society, and under the Geneva Conventions, the cessation of military conflict includes the exchange of detained prisoners. You may recall that Armenia released hostages shortly after the war, but this was not reciprocated by Azerbaijan. Currently, the peace treaty is delayed by inappropriate Azerbaijani preconditions, such as demands for constitutional changes in Armenia. Aside from the absurd interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign nation, such changes would require a popular referendum and delay the process indefinitely. Unlike a dictatorship such as Azerbaijan, Armenia is a democracy that follows constitutional procedures for changes. We have learned that the absence of military conflict does not necessarily equate to peace. Azerbaijan has a long history of demanding new preconditions as Armenia works toward agreement. Linking hostage release to a peace treaty would lend credibility to the final document and improve the likelihood of lasting peace. In addition, we should all be concerned about the restoration of our dignity. Opening transit routes and economic lines does not restore dignity. Our people must have self-respect as a nation. What will be the impact on morale, trust and collective self-esteem if we follow Azerbaijan’s strategy of indefinitely postponing peace through new demands and references to “Western Azerbaijan”? Azerbaijan treats prisoners and border demarcation as separate processes, while good-faith negotiations treat them as essential to peace. I am not a supporter of the policies of the State of Israel toward the Palestinian people, but I admire the relentless pursuit of hostage releases. While Prime Minister Netanyahu did not necessarily make them the top priority during the destruction of Gaza, the public and government kept the issue visible. Do we have the same passion? Are we willing to make the same demand? I often hear that reconciliation between Armenians and Azerbaijanis will be one of the outcomes of peace. How can reconciliation exist while our hostages are mistreated and incarcerated? What will the Armenian people think if diplomatic channels fail and these 19 men are left behind? A public “pre-condition” based on human rights can unify our wounded nation. The answers to these questions lead us into the depth of the soul of our nation. Peace with dignity is a requirement for prosperity.