Armenians of Jerusalem: An Occupied Minority

2026-01-25 - 21:06

Listen to the AI generated audio article. Your browser does not support the audio element. In recent months, videos of Israeli settlers’ violence in the West Bank have flooded the internet. In one clip, a young man strikes an elderly woman; in another, settlers evict a Palestinian family from their home Jerusalem in broad daylight, with the quiet support of the IDF standing nearby. Together with the grim footage from Gaza, these images form a haunting portrait of the daily suffering endured by Palestinians. But amid the noise of war and occupation, one small community’s story rarely makes the headlines, that of the Armenians of Jerusalem. After the fall of Artsakh, the Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem stands as one of the last places where Armenians have lived without interruption for more than a thousand years. Their numbers are few, yet their presence is woven deeply into the soul of the city — its churches, workshops, and narrow stone alleys bearing silent witness to centuries of faith, craft and survival. Like Palestinians, they are denied full citizenship and live under the shadow of uncertainty. Displacement once again looms near, regarding recent developments around the Cow’s Garden issue. Could we, as a nation, bear the loss of a second historic and cultural homeland within a single century? To understand what is truly at stake, we spoke with Dr. Bedross Der Matossian, scholar of Modern Middle East History at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln — himself an Armenian born in Jerusalem. In our conversation, Dr. Der Matossian reflects on how Jerusalem’s Armenians have endured the upheavals of the past century, the challenges they face today, and what future may still be possible for this community in the heart of the Holy Land. Q: What was the state of the Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem before the refugees of the Armenian Genocide arrived, and how did their presence change it? BDM: The collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the arrival of British rule in 1917 profoundly reshaped the Armenian community in Palestine. Thousands of Armenian refugees fleeing the genocide (1915–1923) transformed both the demographic and cultural makeup of the region. Before World War I, Palestine’s Armenian population numbered between 2,000 and 3,000—mostly concentrated in Jerusalem, with smaller groups in Haifa, Jaffa, Ramla and Bethlehem. By 1920, roughly 2,000 refugees had settled in Jerusalem, and within five years the total Armenian population swelled to nearly 15,000. Before this wave, the community was composed mainly of *Kaghakatsis*—native Armenians whose families had lived in Jerusalem for generations. The Armenian Patriarchate traditionally used its compounds to host pilgrims, but during the war, those facilities stood largely empty. As refugees began arriving, the Patriarchate opened its doors, transforming the compounds into sanctuaries that sheltered thousands. Despite the widespread destruction of Armenian religious and cultural institutions across the Ottoman Empire, the Armenian Patriarchate in Jerusalem survived intact. This was largely due to the policies of Djemal Pasha, commander of the Ottoman Fourth Army, who allowed the Patriarchate to continue operating. Recognizing its importance as one of the last centers of Armenian religious and political life, church leaders turned it into a refuge for orphans and survivors. Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem. Source With support from AGBU, the Near East Relief (NER), and the Armenian Relief Society (ARS), the Patriarchate provided housing, education, food, and medical care within the Armenian Quarter. When the British occupied Palestine in 1917, they not only permitted but supported the continued arrival of Armenian refugees. They maintained cooperative relations with the Patriarchate and reaffirmed their respect for the “Status Quo,” the historic arrangement protecting Jerusalem’s religious communities. This period gave Armenians a rare sense of stability in a time of upheaval. The Patriarchate became a center of security and cultural renewal, ensuring that Armenian life in Jerusalem would endure and even thrive despite the trauma of genocide. Q: How did Jewish and Palestinian communities receive the Armenian refugees who fled the 1915 genocide? BDM: Both Jewish and Palestinian communities largely welcomed the arriving Armenians. There are no known cases of discrimination or violence directed specifically against Armenian refugees in Jerusalem. Elsewhere in the region, however, the situation was more complex. In some Arab areas, tensions arose when large numbers of displaced people arrived, mainly because of competition over limited resources. For example, in Aleppo, the sudden influx of Armenian refugees strained relations with parts of the local Arab population, reflecting the social and economic pressures that displacement often creates. In Jerusalem, though, Armenians generally found understanding and support, which allowed them to rebuild their lives and integrate into the city’s long-established Christian communities. British soldiers in Jewish quarter of Jerusalem. Source Q: How did the Armenian community experience and respond to the 1948 Arab–Israeli War? BDM: During the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, Armenians from across Palestine sought refuge in Jerusalem’s Armenian Quarter. Once again, the Patriarchate became a sanctuary, organizing emergency committees to provide food, water, medical care, and shelter. An improvised civil guard, led by Father Hayrig and Hrayr Yergatian, protected the community and defended the Quarter. The cost was devastating. More than 40 Armenians were killed during the Haganah shelling of the Old City. The war effectively ended a vibrant chapter of Armenian life in Palestine. Communities that had thrived in Jaffa, Haifa, and other cities of the new State of Israel were destroyed or scattered. Armenians living in West Jerusalem were expelled along with other non-Jews, losing their homes and businesses. Many were forced to flee—some for the second time in their lives. Despite the losses, the Armenian Patriarchate continued to serve as both spiritual and communal leadership, helping displaced Armenians rebuild their lives within the Old City. Q: What rights and living conditions did Armenians have under Jordanian rule (1948–1967)? BDM: By the end of the 1948 war, many Armenians in Palestine had become refugees again—this time forced to flee from areas taken by Israel. Around 3,000 displaced Armenians sought refuge in the St. James Convent and throughout the Armenian Quarter. Their confiscated homes and businesses were placed under the control of Israel’s Custodian of Abandoned Properties. Over time, many of these families migrated once more, resettling in Syria, Lebanon, Soviet Armenia, or the West, often through Jordan. Despite these upheavals, about 7,000 Armenians remained in Jordanian-controlled territories. Roughly 3,000 lived in Jerusalem’s Old City and Bethlehem, and about 3,500 in Amman. Smaller communities continued to exist in Bethlehem, Ramallah, Jaffa, Ramleh and Haifa. Shelling of Jewish Haganah forces in the Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem. Source The Israeli government permitted Armenian and other Christian clergy to cross armistice lines to minister to their congregations. It also returned some Patriarchate properties in Jaffa, Ramleh, and Jerusalem and pledged to account for rental income collected during the preceding three years. After the war, Jerusalem was divided between Israel and Jordan. Both states sought influence over the Christian communities within their respective zones. The Armenian Patriarchate was not immune to this pressure. From 1948 to the mid-1960s, a prolonged and bitter succession dispute divided the Armenian Church in Jerusalem. Two clerics—Tiran Nersoyan and Yeghishe Derderian—vied for the position of Patriarch. What began as an internal ecclesiastical struggle soon engulfed the wider community. Eventually, Jordanian authorities intervened, endorsing Yeghishe Derderian as Patriarch and formalizing his leadership. This episode revealed how deeply regional politics could penetrate even the most spiritual institutions of the Armenian community. Map of Jerusalem and the surrounding area before the 1967 Six-Day War. Source Q: How did the 1967 Israeli occupation affect Armenians in Jerusalem socially and politically? BDM: Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem after the Six-Day War of 1967 marked another turning point for the Armenian community. The Old City came under Israeli control, and while the Armenian Patriarchate regained access to its properties on the Israeli side—especially the valuable holdings on Shlom Zion Ha-Malhkha Street acquired under Patriarch Torkom Koushagian (1931–1939)—the war severed its ties with Armenian centers in Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, and Jordan. Most Armenians in the newly occupied areas retained Jordanian citizenship, while those in East Jerusalem received Israeli permanent residency. Administratively, they came under the Ministry of Interior’s East Jerusalem office, which regulates residency and permits for Palestinians. Like their Palestinian neighbors, Armenians faced bureaucratic obstacles concerning legal status, travel, and family reunification—issues made worse by Jerusalem’s disputed political situation. Despite these difficulties, the community sought to preserve its social and cultural life. Armenian artisans continued their traditional crafts—goldsmithing, photography, and ceramics—within the Old City. Under Patriarch Derderian, new cultural institutions were established. In 1975, the Alex and Mary Manoogian Theological Seminary opened, training clergy for the Armenian diaspora. That same year, the Edward and Helen Mardigian Museum was founded in a restored 200-year-old building that had once housed the Armenian Seminary. However, Derderian’s era was not without controversy. Archbishop Shahe Ajemian, who served as Real Estate Director (1967–1982), was accused of selling 25 Patriarchate-owned properties across Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Israel to private developers. The scandal, involving allegations of embezzlement and mismanagement, provoked outrage within the community and forced Derderian to dismiss and expel Ajemian from the Brotherhood. These internal crises were compounded by regional turmoil. During the First Intifada, many Armenian families emigrated to the United States, Canada, and Australia. The exodus accelerated during the Second Intifada, as political violence and discriminatory policies against East Jerusalem residents deepened insecurity. Q: Has the Armenian community traditionally maintained neutrality in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict? BDM: Despite the devastation of the 1948 and 1967 wars, Armenians in Jerusalem have generally sought to maintain neutrality in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Armenian Patriarchate, while careful to avoid direct political entanglement, coordinated with the Greek and Latin patriarchates on major political and religious issues. Together, they issued joint statements—known as “common declarations”—to articulate shared positions on Jerusalem’s status and other regional developments. The Armenian community as a whole typically follows the Patriarchate’s lead. At an individual level, perspectives vary: some Armenians identify primarily as Palestinian Armenians, emphasizing communal and national identity, while a minority, holding Israeli citizenship, engage politically within the Israeli system. Regardless of citizenship, most Armenians in Jerusalem maintain deep sympathy for the Palestinian cause, often viewing a two-state solution as the most just and viable resolution to the conflict. Q: Have Armenians ever been caught in conflict or pressured to take sides? BDM: Armenians in Jerusalem, like other Christian groups, have generally remained unified and neutral. There is little evidence that external forces pressured them to adopt a particular position. Having endured genocide, Armenians are particularly sensitive to issues of historical injustice. They are critical of Israel’s persistent denial of the Armenian Genocide and often condemn policies in Gaza that they view as harmful to civilians. Legally, Armenians in Jerusalem and the West Bank occupy a complex position. West Bank Armenians hold Palestinian Authority (PA) identity documents and passports, but these do not confer full citizenship because Palestine is not a fully sovereign state. Some also hold Jordanian passports, which are regarded as second-class citizenship. Political instability has led many West Bank Armenians to relocate to East Jerusalem in search of stability and security. Q: How has the Armenian population in Jerusalem and the West Bank changed over the last century? BDM: The Armenian population in Jerusalem and the West Bank has declined sharply—from 8,000–9,000 in 1920 to around 1,000 in 2024. This decline reflects the many challenges the community has faced, including displacement, political instability, and economic pressures. Despite these challenges, a new generation of Armenians continues to revive and sustain the Armenian Jerusalemite identity. One of the most pressing issues is housing: the Old City is densely populated, and real estate prices have soared over the past two decades, putting homeownership out of reach for many families. Supporting young couples and economically vulnerable households is key to the community’s long-term survival. Q: What role has the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem played in preserving the community’s identity? BDM: For over 1,500 years, the Armenian Patriarchate has been the cornerstone of Armenian identity in Jerusalem. Long before the rise of political parties or charitable organizations, the lives of Jerusalem’s Armenians revolved around the Patriarchate. Even as new institutions emerged, the Patriarchate remained central to communal life. Its deep awareness of an ancient past—shaped by empires, wars, and genocide—continues to shape Armenian Jerusalemite identity today. The Patriarchate supports key educational institutions such as the Sts. Tarkmanchatz Armenian Secondary School. Students there study four languages (Armenian, Arabic, Hebrew, and English), natural and social sciences, and the history of Armenian Jerusalem. The school also offers experiential learning: visits to historic sites within and outside the city foster a strong sense of identity and cultural continuity. Q: In addition to the Patriarchate, are there other ways the community maintains its identity? BDM: Yes. Traditional Armenian political parties—such as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), Homenetmen, Hoyetchmen, and the Armenian Democratic Liberal Party (Ramgavar Party)—play an important role in preserving cultural and civic life. Key communal organizations, including the Jerusalem Armenian Benevolent Union (JABU), also help maintain identity. These institutions provide education, social programs and religious engagement, while offering political representation and community cohesion. Together, they ensure the Armenian community retains historical memory, cultural distinctiveness, and a strong civic presence in Jerusalem. Q: What ties exist between Armenians in Jerusalem and other Armenian communities worldwide, especially in Lebanon, Armenia, and the U.S.? How do these ties manifest in daily life or community activities? BDM: Jerusalem’s Armenians have historically maintained close ties with other Armenian communities in Lebanon and Syria. During the British Mandate and Jordanian periods, travel to Beirut and back in a single day was possible, allowing for strong cultural, religious, and familial connections. Over time, regional conflicts and political instability disrupted these direct links. Today, Armenians in Jerusalem primarily sustain connections with the broader Armenian world through visits to Armenia and participation in international religious and cultural events. Social media has transformed these interactions, enabling ongoing communication, cultural exchange, and coordination of community initiatives despite physical and geopolitical barriers. Platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and messaging apps allow Jerusalem’s Armenians to maintain stronger, more consistent ties with Armenian communities worldwide. Relations with the Armenian diaspora in the United States are particularly positive. Armenian pilgrims from the U.S. are often encouraged to engage with the local community, attend church services, participate in cultural events, and connect with local institutions. These interactions foster mutual understanding, enrich cultural life, and reinforce the bonds of shared heritage across borders. Q: Does the Republic of Armenia play a role in supporting Armenians in Palestine today? BDM: Unfortunately, the Republic of Armenia currently plays little to no direct role in supporting Armenians in Palestine. Unlike the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, backed by the Greek government, or the Latin Patriarchate, supported by the Vatican and the global Catholic community, the Armenian Patriarchate lacks comparable state-level support. As a result, the Armenian diaspora plays a critical role as a de facto extension of Armenia. Diaspora organizations, such as the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), actively raise awareness and advocate for the rights and interests of Armenians in Jerusalem. Their efforts provide essential support in the absence of strong backing from the Armenian state. Q: How would you describe current relations between Armenians, Jewish Israelis, and Palestinian Arabs? BDM: Relations between Armenians, Palestinian Arabs, and Jewish Israelis are generally friendly. However, Armenians in the Armenian Quarter frequently face harassment from Ultra-Orthodox Jewish youth and settlers passing through on their way to the Western Wall. They often spit on Armenian clergy, desecrate sacred symbols, and harass Armenian youth. The Israeli police have largely proven ineffective in addressing these incidents. Without meaningful consequences to deter such behavior, these extremists continue to act with impunity. Q: How have these tensions affected daily life in the Armenian Quarter? BDM: The recurring incidents of harassment and property disputes have created a constant sense of insecurity among Armenians in the Old City. Many residents avoid walking alone at night or wearing clerical attire outside the Quarter. Despite these challenges, the community continues to preserve its traditions and routines, holding religious ceremonies, maintaining schools, and organizing cultural events that keep communal life active and resilient. Q: Are younger Armenians choosing to stay in Jerusalem, or is emigration becoming more common? BDM: While some Armenians remain deeply committed to staying in Jerusalem, others are increasingly choosing to emigrate to countries such as the United States, Armenia and Canada. The decision to leave is often driven by a combination of factors, including limited prospects for the future, ongoing political instability, and concerns over economic opportunities. For many, the uncertainty surrounding the region’s political situation has made the prospect of building a stable and secure life elsewhere more appealing. Despite this, those who stay continue to maintain a strong cultural and religious presence in the city, preserving centuries-old traditions and contributing to Jerusalem’s rich, multicultural fabric. Q: Can you explain the historical and cultural importance of the Cow’s Garden for the Armenian community? BDM: The Cows’ Garden (Goveroun Bardez) is a 2.8-acre area, covering about 25% of the Armenian Quarter in the center of Jerusalem’s Old City. Today, it is used as a parking lot, but its name recalls its past purpose: the Armenian Patriarchate once kept cows there to provide milk and dairy products. For centuries, the land has remained under the ownership of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, making it a cornerstone of the Armenian presence in the city. Its only recorded confiscation occurred during World War I, when Djemal Pasha, commander of the Ottoman Fourth Army, occupied the garden with his troops. Thanks to the intervention of Catholicos Sahak II Khabayan, the property was promptly returned to the Patriarchate—a rare instance in modern history when this land was returned to Armenian hands. Today, the Cows’ Garden is the largest undeveloped plot in the Armenian Quarter and is widely regarded as its cultural and historical heart. Several Armenian families still live within the garden, and adjacent to it stands the Alex and Mary Manoogian Theological Seminary, one of the world’s most significant centers of Armenian theological education. Q: How did the controversial land lease agreement for the Cow’s Garden come about, and what were its main terms? BDM: The “Cows’ Garden” scandal in Jerusalem centers on a controversial land deal involving the Armenian Patriarchate and the Australian-Israeli developer Xana Capital Ltd., which has sparked widespread protests, legal actions, and concerns about the future of the Armenian community in Jerusalem. In July 2021, the Armenian Patriarchate leased this land for 98 years to Xana Capital Ltd., led by developer Danny Rothman. The agreement included plans to build a luxury hotel with 69 to 75 suites. The lease covered about 25% of the Armenian Quarter, including not only the parking lot but also residential areas, the Patriarch’s private garden, and the seminary hall. The deal was signed without consulting Sts. James Brotherhood or the larger Armenian community, leading to accusations of secrecy and mismanagement. Tensions increased after a letter from 17 Brotherhood members on November 15, 2021, rejected the deal and questioned its legality. As a result, community members began peacefully protesting within the Armenian Quarter. The real estate director involved in facilitating the deal was later defrocked and fled to the United States amid allegations of corruption and misleading the Patriarch. On October 26, 2023, the Patriarchate nullified the lease, sparking peaceful Armenian protests on November 4. The following day, Xana Capital, supported by armed settlers and attack dogs, demanded the expulsion of Armenians. On November 12, a company bulldozer attempted to demolish a stone wall, but the community quickly erected a barricade in response. On November 16, the Patriarchate issued an urgent statement warning of a historic existential threat to Jerusalem’s Christian communities. Israeli soldiers walking through the Armenian Quarter. Source Cow’s Garden, 1920. Source Cow’s Garden, present day. Source Bulldozer in Cow’s Garden. Photo byKhatchig Bekarian. Source Legal actions ensued: a lawsuit against Xana Gardens was filed on December 26, 2023, and the Armenian Quarter community filed another on February 18, 2024, seeking to invalidate the lease. Negotiations led to an Addendum and Settlement Agreement, which the Brotherhood of St. James proposed to reject on September 24, 2024, reaffirming its canonical authority. The General Assembly of the Brotherhood, by majority decision, reaffirmed: That the Lease Agreement concerning the “Cows’ Garden” signed on July 8, 2021, is illegal, uncanonical, and null and void, as it was signed without the approval of the General Assembly. To reject the Addendum and the Settlement Agreement obtained through mediation. To appoint a committee of five clergymen to work in consultation with the legal counsel in continuing the cancellation lawsuit against “Xana Gardens” Ltd. Q: How has the local Armenian community reacted to the planned development? BDM: When the lot was initially being converted into a parking lot by the municipality, only a few members of the Armenian community voiced objections. However, opposition grew significantly once it became clear that Xana Capital was involved and that the project aimed to build a luxury hotel. Notably, the majority of members of the St. James Brotherhood opposed the deal. In response, the community formed a group, represented by the Save the ArQ Movement (not to be confused with Save the ArQ, a Chicago-based non-profit founded in 2007 by Mary Hoogasian and myself which aims to create awareness of the significant religious, cultural, and historical presence of Armenians in Jerusalem and to encourage the revitalization of the Armenian Quarter in the Old City), to formally present their grievances to both the Patriarchate and the Israeli judicial system, seeking to annul the deal. Q: Given ongoing political tensions and demographic shifts, what is the outlook for the Armenian Quarter? BDM: Without the support of the Armenian Diaspora and the Republic of Armenia, the future of Jerusalem’s Armenian Quarter faces grave uncertainty. Nearly two decades ago, I argued that those shaping the destiny of the Armenians of Jerusalem must recognize a simple truth: the community itself must have a meaningful voice in decision-making. History has shown that reliance on partisan ideology has repeatedly failed to serve the collective interests of the Armenian people. To continue down that path would be to invite further decline. Reform in the Armenian Quarter is therefore not optional—it is urgent and essential. This does not mean dismantling the historic constitution of the Sts. James Brotherhood, nor subordinating the Patriarchate to a new Armenian National Assembly—both of which would be unrealistic and unachievable. Instead, a practical and forward-looking solution is required: the creation of an Armenian Advisory Council in Jerusalem. This body would serve to advise the Patriarchate on critical political, economic, and social matters affecting Armenians in Israel/Palestine, and especially in Jerusalem. The Advisory Council should draw from three vital sources of strength: representatives of Jerusalem’s Armenian community, the global diaspora, and the Armenian government. Within it, a dedicated legal committee—staffed by experts in international, Israeli, and Palestinian law—would address urgent issues of property, governance, and legality within the Armenian Quarter. The Armenian Bar Association (ABA) of America, which expressed its readiness to contribute in both 2005 and more recently, provides a strong foundation for such an initiative. Given the difficult living conditions facing Armenians in Jerusalem and the enduring pressures of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, establishing this Advisory Council offers the most realistic and constructive path forward. It would ensure fairer distribution of resources, provide credible assessments of the community’s needs, and propose practical solutions to safeguard its future. Jerusalem’s Armenian Quarter is not merely a local community; it is one of the world’s most important Armenian centers after Armenia itself. With a 1,500-year history, it stands as a spiritual and cultural pillar of the Armenian diaspora. Today, that heritage is under existential threat. Its survival depends on revitalizing the Armenian community of Jerusalem and preserving the institutional strength of the Patriarchate. The establishment of an Armenian Advisory Council represents the most effective way to achieve both—and to secure a future worthy of this historic legacy.